Science Magazine 2009




Science 8 May 2009:
Vol. 324. no. 5928, p. 719
DOI: 10.1126/science.324_719
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NEWS FOCUS
ASTRONOMY:
A Reprieve—and Risk
Andrew Lawler
The mission to give the Hubble Space Telescope a new lease on life is just the tail end of a long and bitter battle waged by scientists, who won critical support from politicians and the public, after a previous mission was canceled in the wake of the Columbia disaster.
Dry run. Astronaut in a neutral-buoyancy tank train to repair the Advanced Camera for Surveys.
CREDIT: NASA
It's the ultimate house call. Orbiting 500 kilometers above Earth, astronauts should soon begin the laborious and dangerous task of repairing and renovating the world's most famous telescope. Juggling 60 new tools, wrestling with more than 100 pesky screws, and dodging countless micrometeoroids, the crew of the Atlantis orbiter aims to refurbish the Hubble Space Telescope during five feverish days. "This is no piece of cake," says Edward Weiler, NASA's space science chief. "But there's a huge payoff."
The astronauts' task in orbit, however, is just the tail end of a long and bitter battle. The fight began in 2004, in the wake of the Columbia disaster, when NASA officials decided that returning to the $1.5 billion Hubble posed an unacceptable risk to astronauts and the space shuttle. "That threw the [astronomy] community into a frenzy," recalls Eric Smith, NASA's program scientist for the Hubble. Researchers, he adds, were eager to keep Hubble going until the James Webb Space Telescope (JWST) goes into orbit in the next decade. But without a fifth servicing mission, Hubble was likely to go on the blink by 2007 or 2008.
Scientists were not the only people flummoxed and infuriated by the decision. "The public had a great sense of ownership," Smith recalls. Angry editorials appeared, congressional hearings were called, and then–NASA Administrator Sean O'Keefe was put on the defensive. Efforts to send a robotic mission to upgrade the telescope fell through when high cost and technical risk made it an unrealistic option. O'Keefe eventually resigned, in part, NASA insiders say, because the White House lost faith in him because of the controversy. At the prodding of Congress, his successor, Michael Griffin, reversed the decision in October 2006.
A second shuttle will be poised on the launch pad when Atlantis roars into space, in case a space rescue is necessary. And the crew is experienced: John Grunsfeld flew twice on earlier repair missions to the telescope. The astronauts have been undergoing years of grueling training sessions at Johnson Space Center in Houston, Texas. Along with installing two new instruments (see main text), the crew will replace failed and failing batteries and gyroscopes with new ones designed to allow Hubble to function at least until 2014—a year after JWST is slated to take to the stars. They will also replace Hubble's data formatter, which failed just weeks before a planned October 2008 launch of the Atlantis mission, forcing NASA engineers to postpone the flight by several months while they readied replacement hardware and trained the crew to install it.
The sheer complexity of the task, which will require two more days of spacewalks than previous repairs did, is not the only concern. Hubble flies higher than the space station and is exposed to a greater amount of rocket and satellite debris as well as to micrometeoroids that burn up at lower altitudes. To avoid that space junk, which could puncture the shuttle, the pilot will turn the craft's rugged main engines in the direction most likely to encounter oncoming debris.
If the complex effort proves successful, NASA officials say that it will demonstrate conclusively that humans can play an important role in future robotic missions—what Smith calls "the beautiful dance between man and machine."
 

Science 21 August 2009:
Vol. 325. no. 5943, pp. 936 - 940
DOI: 10.1126/science.325_936

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ARCHAEOLOGY IN CHINA:

Archaeologists Raise The Old With the New

Andrew Lawler

Researchers are working to transform China's development boom from a curse into a blessing for ancient sites.

 

 

 

 

Golden days. New archaeology museums, such as this one in Chengdu, are springing up all over China.

CREDIT: A. LAWLER/SCIENCE

 

CHENGDU, CHINA—Amid tangles of highways and phalanxes of high rises in this booming capital of Sichuan province, more than 30 hectares of prime urban real estate—three times as large as New York City's Battery Park—is meticulously landscaped around two massive glass, steel, and stone pavilions. But unlike many of the high-rise buildings, this $75 million, 2-year-old complex is not the modern headquarters of a successful Chinese corporation. Instead, it is a museum paying homage to a 3000-year-old settlement and its surprisingly rich culture, which until recently was completely unknown.

This sprawling ancient site, called Jinsha, lies 1000 kilometers from the traditional center of Chinese civilization along the Yellow River (see p. 934) and deep within a region long assumed to have been a cultural backwater until it was absorbed into the Qin dynasty in the 3rd century B.C.E. In recent decades, however, archaeologists have uncovered astonishing evidence of sophisticated and largely independent cultures in the region dating back to 2500 B.C.E., cultures that are helping to rewrite the origins of Chinese civilization (see p. 930).

A decade ago, Jinsha was still buried. Until its accidental discovery during a construction project, the site was verdant farmland on the outskirts of a city with a mere 5 million people. Today, thanks to savvy archaeologists and their allies in city government, the new Jinsha Site Museum not only offers a welcome haven from urban sprawl but also sets aside a large area for future digs. The excavated area is covered with a vast glass roof, and a separate building houses state-of-the-art exhibits. Chengdu hotels and department stores proudly sport the site's icon, a gold sun disk surrounded by four birds, as a symbol of the city's unique past.

Jinsha creates a place of beauty, bolsters civic pride, and pulls in tourists—and its success is encouraging other cities to follow suit. "Dozens of local governments have come to see this," says Zhu Zhangyi, 49, who is now the museum's vice curator. "It has become a model." Western archaeologists are deeply impressed, too. "The priority is to teach people about their past," says Gary Crawford of the University of Toronto, Mississauga, in Canada. "They are willing to put real money into that—and we could learn some lessons from that."

Archaeologists say models such as this are desperately needed in a country developing more rapidly than any other in human history. Half of the world's concrete is poured in China. There are more than 2 million kilometers of highways, double the amount there was in 1986. And cities like Chengdu—which now boasts more than 10 million people and adds a million a year—have mushroomed, eating up land along rivers and on plains typically favored by ancient peoples. The pace of construction threatens to destroy sites ranging from Paleolithic campsites to Han royal tombs, and with them, a treasure trove of data critical for understanding the role of East Asia in early human migrations, animal and plant domestication, and urbanization.

 

Past protector. Chengdu's Wang Yi saves sites.

CREDIT: COURTESY OF ROWAN FLAD

 

Halting or even slowing development in a society eager to emerge from rural poverty is not possible. Instead, archaeologists are exploring creative ways to collaborate with both government and developers, and using museums like Jinsha's to build popular support for preserving key sites. Thus China's development boom is powering a new wave of archaeological discovery and appreciation even as it threatens sites. Courts are increasingly willing to enforce harsh penalties on looters (see sidebar, this page). And in a dramatic departure from the past, local governments are now willing to lend support and funds to preserve sites. "It was a great fortune we discovered [Jinsha] in 2001," says archaeologist Zhu, who led the team that examined the site just ahead of developers. "If it had been earlier, it would have been impossible to preserve the whole area."

During a recent visit by Science, however, archaeologists at several provincial centers also warned that they must race to keep up with the bulldozers and have largely set aside purely academic endeavors in order to rescue sites. The recent economic downturn, rather than easing the pace, has only quickened it, as the central government pumps hundreds of billions of dollars into dams, canals, and highways to stimulate the economy. Says Zhu: "We have to do our best to persuade our government that if it doesn't move aggressively to protect sites, there will be nothing left in 10 or 20 years."

 

Water over the dam?

The current boom is hardly the first threat to China's past. Qin Shi Huang, the man credited with first unifying China in the 3rd century B.C.E., consolidated the Great Wall and left behind the famous terra-cotta army in his mausoleum—two of the modern nation's most famous tourist attractions. But he also ordered that evidence of previous rulers be destroyed in order to ensure his importance in history. More than 2 millennia later, China's revolutionary leader Mao Zedong encouraged his people to obliterate "old ways of thinking," triggering the destruction of thousands of ancient buildings and artifacts. During the years of the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s and early 1970s, archaeological publishing ceased, university courses were restricted to political subjects, and many researchers were forced out of their jobs.

 

Today, the more insidious threat is not to China's visible past but to the undiscovered sites that lay safely underground until recent development. The most infamous example of this third wave of destruction is the Three Gorges Dam project, which began in 1993 and eventually drowned a 600-kilometer stretch of the middle Yangtze River. The government initially allotted $37.5 million for archaeological salvage, although archaeologists called for at least $500 million. The amount was only marginally increased, and salvage work was not finished before the dam was completed in 2006 (Science, 1 August 2008, p. 628). "We may have missed a few sites," says one Chinese archaeologist sheepishly.

Other massive projects have received less publicity but are having a tremendous impact. The $8 billion South-North Water Transfer Project will divert water from the wetter areas of central and southern China to its thirsty north, through a complex mix of reservoirs, canals, and dams. When complete by 2014 (Science, 25 August 2006, p. 1034), the central route—an average of 110 meters wide—will cut across nearly 1300 kilometers, much of it in central Henan Province, which is traditionally considered the homeland of Chinese civilization.

Ma Xiaolin, vice-director of the Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology in Zhengzhou, says work on the canal has uncovered some 340 sites in Henan alone, from Neolithic settlements to Tang Dynasty tombs. Ma says time and funding for salvage work are ample, but there are complications. Archaeologists are now excavating a 2000-year-old king's tomb and have requested that the government alter the canal route. "No decision has been made," says another scientist familiar with the site. "It's a sensitive issue."

That sensitivity reflects the tension between development and preservation. China passed a heritage protection law in 1982, but archaeologists say it was only haphazardly enforced until recently. "In past decades, we were in a very bad position," says Wang Yi, who leads the Chengdu City Institute of Archaeology and Cultural Relics. "Since the first law was passed 27 years ago, we have been fighting against developers. And in the past, local governors were enemies of archaeologists. ... We could not counter a city's development."

But that is changing. In 1997, the government made violations of cultural heritage laws a criminal act punishable by jail terms and even the death penalty. In Chengdu, the manager of a real-estate company went to jail for 5 years for failing to do archaeological salvage work before construction. "There have been those who destroyed sites and artifacts—but now, if they do, they get in big trouble," says Wang. "Even government officers don't dare break this law."

 

Hearts and minds

Along with the legal stick comes a carrot. Both the city and provincial government see that development "is not just about an increase in GDP," asserts Wang. "We have to make this mainstream, so that all branches of government and citizens support archaeology." He and a growing number of other Chinese researchers are increasingly involved in outreach activities to create a broader constituency for protecting sites. "It is impossible not to lose some sites," says Wang Wei, director of the Institute of Archaeology in Beijing. "But the public is starting to appreciate the importance of cultural heritage—and that you can move the site of a planned building."

The archaeologists' efforts can be seen in a new and surprising phenomenon: multimillion-dollar popular archaeological museums that have opened in recent years across China, sporting three-dimensional movies, elegant restaurants, and exhibits that equal or surpass those in major U.S., European, and Japanese cities. Many, like the Jinsha museum, are on land protected from further development. "For less than $100 million, the Chengdu municipal government bought a history 1000 years older than it had before," Zhu says over sushi in the chic museum restaurant.

 

Big dig. A massive new north-south canal threatens hundreds of ancient settlements.

CREDIT: DAVID GRAY/REUTERS

 

In another example, last October a gleaming monument of Iranian marble opened outside the southern port city of Hangzhou to celebrate Liangzhu, which started flourishing around 3500 B.C.E. and is one of the oldest major settlements in China. Now 42 hectares around the site have been protected from major development. When a real-estate company sought to buy neighboring land, the government sold it for under market value in exchange for nearly $24 million for the museum and private-sector expertise in big projects. "This was a real innovation," says archaeologist Jiang Weidong, director of the Liangzhu Museum, over tea in his sleek Bauhaus-style office.

The exhibit lays out methods of excavation, the evolution of the site, and the day-to-day life of its people 5000 years ago, using cutting-edge artifacts, films, and displays. Visitors can even walk through a recreation of the settlement, showing both the jade-wearing elite—who were buried in elaborate tombs high on earthen platforms—as well as modest tradespeople and rice and millet farmers in wattle-and-daub houses.

Back in Chengdu, archaeologists are also using their facilities to win the hearts and minds of their citizens. After the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, curators at Jinsha opened the grounds to more than 40,000 people who camped out amid fears of aftershocks. To mark the first anniversary of the disaster in May, they waived admission fees and drew an impressive 50,000 citizens. Regular festivals promote the site as a cultural oasis amid the city's congestion.

Such efforts raise awareness of the nation's heritage, and plans for park and museum complexes at ancient sites are taking hold all over China, from the 3500-year-old city of Erlitou in the central plains to the ancient Silk Road city of Turfan in the far western province of Xinjiang (see p. 940). In May, a new underwater museum opened along the Yangtze, preserving 1200-year-old poetic inscriptions and measurements of annual high-water levels on rock from the waters impounded by the Three Gorges Dam. Such museums also provide opportunities for archaeologists themselves, and some scholars who studied abroad are now finding ways to return to China for research or even permanently (see sidebar, p. 938).

 

Getting the goods

In the rush to modernize, modest prehistoric settlements are at particular risk, although sometimes they can win a reprieve. In Shaanxi province, west of the central plains, for example, construction of a vehicle factory was put on hold after the discovery of an unusually complex, moated, Neolithic site with a line of pottery kilns suggesting specialized handcrafts, dated to a surprisingly early 4000 B.C.E. "The site was preserved, and the provincial government paid dozens of millions of yuan [tens of millions of U.S. dollars] to move the factory," says Wang Weilin, vice director of the Shaanxi Archaeological Institute.

Wang, whose organization includes 130 archaeologists, says developers pay nearly $3 million annually to cover the costs of salvage work in his province. But he is particularly concerned about smaller sites without dramatic architecture and artifacts. "We see traces of such sites, but we worry we might not catch up with development," he says. Harvard University archaeologist Rowan Flad, who is collaborating with Wang, notes that international efforts "are often the only way that work beyond that of a salvage nature can get done," because of the time pressures on Chinese institutes.

 

Smaller, more ancient sites are also at greater risk because they typically lack what Chinese archaeologists privately call "hao dongxi," which can be roughly translated as "goodies" in English. "There is a tendency among some Chinese archaeologists to look for the goodies, that is, the grave goods with artistic merit and which embody China's cultural heritage," says Magnus Fiskesjö, an anthropologist at Cornell University. "Fishbones don't qualify."

As a result, material with the potential for providing critical data on scientific questions, such as ancient diet, health, and social organization—including fishbones—is often overlooked, particularly during fast-paced salvage digs. Even human bones are often still disposed of rather than analyzed, says Fiskesjö.

That tendency is changing, albeit unevenly. In Zhengzhou, Ma, who studied at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia, is eager to show off his labs and storage facilities, which include well-labeled blue bins of human and animal bones from a host of sites. "Smaller institutes just collect artifacts and throw away the rest," he says. "We want to focus on new techniques involving plants, animals, and human skeletons and set up databases for each site." With a healthy $3 million annual budget, Ma's institute has the funds to do more detailed research. But the organization is now juggling a dozen excavations, and he expects to conduct more than 30 digs this year alone—90% of which are salvage operations.

Despite—and because of—the pace of development, archaeologists in China appear surprisingly optimistic. "Given the investment from our government, the 21st century will be a golden age for archaeology in Sichuan," predicts Chengdu's Wang. With an interested public plus provincial government coffers filled by the economic boom, China is now paying heed to its archaeological treasures in a way that once might have been criticized as a bourgeois luxury. Says Jiang, smiling over green tea in his sun-filled office: "When your granary is full, you pay more attention to ceremony."

 

 

Science 21 August 2009:
Vol. 325. no. 5943, pp. 930 - 935
DOI: 10.1126/science.325_930

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ARCHAEOLOGY IN CHINA:

Beyond the Yellow River: How China Became China

Andrew Lawler

The cradle of Chinese civilization was long considered to be the region around the middle Yellow River. But older and complex cultures from far-flung corners of the modern nation are now telling a different story about the origin of Chinese culture.

 

CREDIT: JINSHA SITE MUSEUM

 

LIANGZHU, CHINA—Three years ago, a farmer who works the lush fields along the meandering Tiaoxi river, 200 kilometers southwest of Shanghai, decided to build a new house. This area around the town of Liangzhu has long been known as a center of Neolithic settlements, so Liu Bin of Zhejiang Province's archaeological institute assembled a team to conduct routine salvage work. But rather than the postholes or earthen floors typically found at such settlements, the team instead encountered a carefully prepared foundation of stone blocks.

The blocks were part of a wall, now dated to 4300 years ago—and it was no simple enclosure. Further excavation revealed a massive perimeter of earth built on stone, with an average width of 50 meters, running in a rough circle for 7 kilometers and surrounded by a wide moat. The farmer lost his house site, but archaeologists gained a new appreciation for the complexity of this ancient culture. The enormous wall enclosed previously discovered earthen platforms, which extend over 30 hectares and are raised 10 meters above the low-lying plain. Although modest in comparison with the pyramids and ziggurats of this era in Egypt and Mesopotamia, the structures required an enormous amount of labor and skill. "To construct these large platforms and walls with simple tools, you would need 10,000 people over 2 years," Liu estimates.

Even more astonishing than the engineering are the site's location and age. Archaeologists long thought that Chinese civilization was born half a millennium later and 800 kilometers to the northwest along the central plains of the Yellow River. Wikipedia summarizes the classic view: "Chinese civilization originated in various city-states along the Yellow River in the Neolithic era." Yet centuries earlier, Liangzhu was at the center of a sophisticated culture that included hundreds of settlements discovered in recent decades, stretching across the flat and fertile expanses as far as Shanghai. With finely worked jade ornaments, elaborate tombs, high platforms, and objects carved in an artistic and distinctive style, the Liangzhu culture appears separate from that of the Yellow River. In fact, goods and styles from this region, such as the fine jades, have been found as far west as the upper reaches of the Yangtze River, 3000 kilometers upstream, and were imitated across China for thousands of years.

 

CREDITS: PHOTOS.COM; WIKIPEDIA; WIKIPEDIA; WIKIPEDIA; WIKIPEDIA

 

Dramatic discoveries like those at Liangzhu have been repeated across China in the past 2 decades, challenging long-held views. From Manchuria in the north, to the Chengdu plain to the west, and to the coastal cities of the south (see map, p. 933), excavations are revealing a host of complex and distinct ancient cultures, each with its own artifacts and traditions. Liangzhu's striking carved faces are one example; other cultures developed enormous bronze statues, large stone ceremonial complexes, and a golden, whirling sun motif.

Yellow River sites like Erlitou remain key to understanding the first true urban centers in China. But other, far-flung cultures also contain the seeds of Chinese traditions. "Before these astonishing finds, we were focused on the central plains," says Wang Wei, director of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing. "Most of us accepted that the Yellow River was the origin of Chinese civilization. But as we've done more research, we have found other cultural areas as numerous as the stars in the sky. ... Now it is clear that the development and expansion of regional centers contributed to the formation of Chinese civilization." And, he adds, communication and competition among those centers may hold the key to understanding how a common culture emerged.

 

Saving face. These 3000-year-old bronzes of a previously unknown style were recovered from Sanxingdui near Chengdu.

CREDIT: A. LAWLER, SCIENCE

 

In 2004, Wang's institute began coordinating an ambitious multidisciplinary effort to chart this in detail, by providing a more accurate chronology for sites and bringing to bear the latest methods for analyzing the past 25 years of finds. By drawing on researchers across China and collaborating with foreign scientists, Wang hopes to paint a more nuanced and data-driven view of the country's ancient past while pushing China's archaeological community toward the forefront of the field. But it is a formidable challenge, says archaeologist Lothar von Falkenhausen of the University of California, Los Angeles, who has long experience in China. "We don't really know how the interactions took place, and they changed over millennia."

 

Want a revolution

How China became China is no mere academic topic; it goes to the very heart of how the world's most populous and economically vibrant nation sees itself and its role in the world. During much of the 20th century, archaeology was often used as a political tool, first as a boost to national pride in a country that felt dominated by Western powers and Japan. After the 1949 Communist revolution, suggestions that China's evolution was strongly influenced by Western trade and technology became politically taboo. "Archaeology played a critical role in defining Chinese nationalism," says Gary Crawford, an anthropologist at the University of Toronto, Mississauga, in Canada. "But there's been a real revolution in the profession in the past 20 years."

That revolution has opened up previously off-limits topics, from the impact of the West (see p. 940) to regional diversity. After decades of isolation, Chinese archaeologists are increasingly setting aside formerly obligatory Marxist theory and drawing on modern techniques in gathering and interpreting data. Regional discoveries and institutes find a warm welcome—and funding—within provincial governments flush with tax revenues and eager to emphasize their unique contributions (see p. 936).

No one doubts that the plains around the middle Yellow River are where Chinese civilization coalesced around the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C.E., during what historians call the Shang dynasty (see timeline, p. 930). Legend speaks of an earlier dynasty called the Xia, but its existence remains controversial (see p. 934). The vast archaeological and textual remains from the Shang reveal an elite with a rich court culture ruling over masses of millet and wheat farmers—the grains of choice in the cooler and drier north. Embroiled in frequent conquests, the Shang people used advanced weaponry such as horse-drawn chariots and took many prisoners from conquered regions. They also practiced human and animal sacrifice, worshipped a supreme god who dominated the forces of nature, and paid homage to their ancestors, who were seen as active participants in family life.

 

Heaven and Earth. The round bi and square cong used in Liangzhu became enduring Chinese symbols.

CREDITS (TOP TO BOTTOM): NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART; WIKIPEDIA

 

Many of these traditions and technologies echo through the next 3 millennia. The Shang set the stage for the expansion and collapse of central authority that repeatedly characterizes Chinese history. But there have been hints that this single region did not hold the whole story. More than 30 years ago, Su Bingqi of Peking University and K. C. Chang of Harvard University independently suggested that China's civilization grew out of a complex interweaving of many regional cultures. Recent excavations back up these ideas. Indeed, prehistoric Chinese societies stretched across time and space, from the millet-farming-and-pig-raising Peiligang people in the north starting in 7000 B.C.E., to the 5000 B.C.E. Yangshao people near the Yellow River, who may have first experimented with silk. Many of the symbols of classic Chinese civilization, such as dragon motifs and the use of jade as a magical stone, appear to originate far from the central plains. Two cultures in particular—the Hongshan in the northeast, which flourished from 4500 B.C.E. to 2250 B.C.E., and the Liangzhu, which lasted from 3500 B.C.E. until 2250 B.C.E.—were setting the pace many centuries before the Shang. Indeed, the peoples of the mid–Yellow River area began to construct their first major settlement, called Taosi, at about the time the older cultures collapsed.

Finely carved jade, for example, first appears about 3500 B.C.E. during the Hongshan culture in today's Liaoning and Inner Mongolia. There, researchers have found elaborate stone tombs containing numerous jade objects shaped like a phoenix and dragon—animals that later become central symbols in Chinese mythology.

"Jade is like gold in the West," says archaeologist Elizabeth Childs-Johnson of Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia, who frequently works in China. "It is a major symbol of power" in China from the Neolithic to the modern era. The stone is also hard to work and therefore labor intensive. Whereas copper, bronze, and gold take center stage in the early civilizations of the West, these metals come relatively late to the East. Childs-Johnson argues that like precious metals in the West, jade production in China acted as a major stimulus for social evolution by defining an elite.

Recent excavations at Hongshan sites such as Niuheliang in the Liao River valley northeast of Beijing have focused mainly on remarkable burial structures and goods, including the jades. Eighteen elite graves dating to the centuries before 3000 B.C.E. have so far been unearthed, one with 20 pieces of carefully carved jade beads, disks, bracelets, hair tubes, and a plaque with fangs. The sacred and burial areas demonstrate "a level of cultural sophistication that is not duplicated elsewhere at this time in early China," says Childs-Johnson. One partially excavated site near Niuheliang called Chengzishan includes a massive temple on a platform 165 meters wide and 900 meters long—nearly half the size of the National Mall in Washington, D.C. Researchers have so far found subterranean rooms, a life-size ceramic head of a female with inlaid nephrite-jade eyes, and sculptures of ox heads and birds.

Archaeologists have also increasingly found the material of daily life among the Hongshan people, including stone tools such as plow tips in standardized shapes; sophisticated kilns that fired black, gray, and red vessels; and unusual red-painted ceramic cylinders that served as building supports. And they say there are undoubtedly large numbers of undiscovered sites in this little-explored region, which Childs-Johnson thinks was "a prominent cultural center and player in the evolution of Chinese civilization."

Researchers say they are just beginning to piece together the interactions among the Hongshan and other highly complex cultures that developed before the Yellow River culture or were largely independent of it. Was there trade, migration, diffusion, or warfare? Did the later cultures build on the earlier ones, or were they completely independent? New excavations may yield answers soon. "Northeast China is currently a hotbed of active field research that will illuminate both the nature of local cultural developments and long-distance relationships," says Harvard archaeologist Rowan Flad.

Long-distance contacts among cultures seem likely, but their complexity and extent remain elusive. For example, the Liangzhu culture, which emerged 1000 years later and 2000 kilometers southeast of the Hongshan heartland, may have drawn on the older society's expertise in jade, but direct evidence is lacking. As early as the 1930s, Liangzhu archaeologists began to uncover numerous and varied jade objects of an even higher quality than those in the northeast.

 

CREDIT: J. NEWFIELD/SCIENCE

 

The Liangzhu people seem to have had military and political concerns with their neighbors, as hinted at by the walls, moats, and stone weapons found more recently. And some 30 excavated large-scale mounds, often with elaborate burials that include jade, ivory, and lacquer, show that there was widespread regional trade, primarily up the Yangtze River. To date, archaeologists have identified nearly 300 settlements in an area of 18,000 square kilometers, says Liu.

The age of many of these early sites, particularly Liangzhu itself, is controversial. New radiocarbon evidence shows that the massive stone and earth wall uncovered by Liu was constructed in the later period, just before Liangzhu's collapse around 2250 B.C.E., says Wu Xiaohong of Peking University. Whether that huge effort was for defensive purposes or to hold back floods—there is some evidence of climate change—remains uncertain.

Whatever the wall's purpose and age, Liangzhu itself had a broad influence that touched much of the territory of present-day China. Its products—from jade to pottery—are scattered throughout the north and the east and are found in the western province of Gansu as well as the southwestern province of Sichuan. And the society appears to have imparted religious ideas that remain quintessentially Chinese. The Liangzhu people created circular disks called bi—symbolizing heaven—as well as squarish cylindrical congs—symbolizing earth—at a time when the Yellow River was still relatively sparsely settled. The bi and cong are widely found in the Yellow River region later and came to be seen as shapes that express the Chinese culture's mythological understanding of the cosmos.

 

Origin seekers. Beijing's Wang Wei (above) and Liangzhu's Liu Bin (below) see a more complex story of China's emergence.

CREDIT: COURTESY OF WANG WEI; COURTESY OF LIU BIN

 

Mistaken identity

Although Hongshan and Liangzhu were among the first complex cultures in East Asia, others also clearly contributed elements now considered part of Chinese culture. The first lacquerware and protoporcelain, for example, appear to have emerged in the late Liangzhu period from the middle Yangtze River area, far upstream from Liangzhu itself. And rice, that staple and symbol of Chinese society, was domesticated over a long period of time in the lower reaches of the Yangtze, starting by 7000 B.C.E. or even earlier.

Other regions evolved their own unique cultures, styles, and traditions that did not obviously transfer to what later came to be called Chinese civilization. In 1987, archaeologists working on a 12-kilometer-square site called Sanxingdui, north of the modern city of Chengdu in Sichuan Province in the country's rugged southwest, unearthed a spectacular array of finds. They found eerie bronze and gold masks, a gold scepter, jade ornaments, and massive bronze statues—including a 4-meter-high representation of a tree—from the period around 1200 B.C.E. Sanxingdui is unmentioned in any texts or myths, has no writing of its own, and lies in a remote area; a Tang dynasty poem warns that it is harder to get into Sichuan than heaven. So the evidence of a wealthy and complex culture here stunned both researchers and the Chinese public. Some of the artifacts hinted at connections to Central Asia and far southern China. "The discoveries in the province have forced Chinese archaeologists to completely rethink [Sichuan's] importance in narratives of prehistoric and early historic China," says Flad.

Stone Age. The Hongshan people of northeast China created fine jade works like these 5500 years ago.

CREDIT: LOWE ART MUSEUM/UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI; SMITHSONIAN/FREER GALLERY OF ART

 

A decade later, archaeologists working elsewhere in Sichuan's Chengdu Plain revealed a culture that appears to have been the predecessor of the Sanxingdui culture, dating to as early as 2500 B.C.E. The largest of these sites, called Baodun, had been mistaken for years for a later Han dynasty settlement. "Nobody believed a city could be from that early period," recalls Wang Yi, who directs the Chengdu City Institute of Archaeology and Cultural Relics. After confirming the dates, "we realized it was a discovery to rewrite the history of Sichuan and even China."

The settlements are on a smaller and less complex scale than the cities that emerged 1000 years later on the central plain. But since 1996, a total of eight early walled sites in Sichuan have been pinpointed, ranging in size from 10 to 66 hectares. Wang says the largest contained a population in the thousands, although he declines to be more specific pending further excavations. Many have small houses ringed around larger structures that sit on earthen platforms paved with pebbles. Construction of the walls resembles that downstream along the middle Yangtze, where other cultures are known to have flourished, but specific trade links remain unclear. Work on Baodun sites has been delayed, because many lie beneath modern towns and villages, and the 2001 discovery of the Jinsha site in Chengdu dating to 1000 B.C.E.—likely a successor to the Sanxingdui culture—forced regional archaeologists to focus their attention and resources there instead. Wang says there are plans to resume digs at Baodun once villages on the site are relocated.

 

Face time. Enigmatic carved visages decorate this jade box from Liangzhu.

CREDIT: COURTESY OF LIU BIN

 

The sophisticated sites in Sichuan, in the northeast, around Liangzhu and elsewhere have made it clear that "the origin of Chinese civilization is scattered all over the present-day country," says Jiang Weidong, an archaeologist and director of the Liangzhu Museum outside the city of Hangzhou. Weidong thinks that these independent cultures began to link up only sporadically and gradually over many centuries. He notes that in later Chinese history, a half-dozen or so regions periodically reassert their sovereignty and that each of these regions had highly developed prehistoric cultures. For example, in the early centuries B.C.E., the Shu state in today's Sichuan and the Yue state in the Liangzhu area repeatedly broke away from central control. The serial pattern of Chinese centralization followed by the rise of regional powers may be an artifact of those ancient regional developments, Weidong suggests.

Although not even half-complete, the project to define the origins of Chinese civilization has already laid to rest the notion of an imperial China rising from the central plains of the Yellow River to bestow its gifts on backward hinterlands. Now archaeologists face the challenging task of understanding how the myriad peoples and cultures of the region interacted over several millennia. UCLA's Von Falkenhausen even suggests that, as a result of this complexity, "the very notion of [a single] Chinese civilization will probably have to be jettisoned." Chinese scholars say that they will follow the data. "The focus of this project is not to prove the glory of Chinese civilization but to see how it formed," says Wang. "We want the details."

 

 

Science 21 August 2009:
Vol. 325. no. 5943, pp. 940 - 943
DOI: 10.1126/science.325_940

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ARCHAEOLOGY IN CHINA:

Bridging East and West

Andrew Lawler

China's far west, home to unique ancient cultures, may help reveal how technology and goods flowed from West to East to shape Chinese civilization.

 

Desert death. A 4000-year-old child mummy peers out of his wooden coffin in Xiaohe cemetery on the edge of the Taklamakan Desert.

CREDIT: XINJIANG CULTURAL RELICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY INSTITUTE

 

YANGHAI, XINJIANG PROVINCE—No place on Earth is farther from an ocean than this dusty spot in the Taklamakan Desert in northwest China. But when archaeologist Lu Enguo recently excavated the sprawling 3000-year-old Yanghai cemetery here, he found a cowrie shell from either the Pacific or the Indian Ocean in the undisturbed tomb of a local shaman. That holy man—his body naturally mummified in the dry climate—was dressed in the style of the Russian steppes, with a headband of gold, a brilliantly colored woven garment, and a ceremonial bronze ax by his side. For him, the wealthy and fertile eastern land called China may have been just a rumor or tall tale.

Yet despite the distance to ancient centers of Chinese culture, Lu, who works for Xinjiang's archaeology off ice in nearby Turfan, believes that this remote region may hold the key to understanding early Chinese civilization because of its crucial role in trade. Lu and many of his colleagues argue that as far back as the 3rd millennium B.C.E., during the rise of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus civilizations, Xinjiang may have served as a critical bridge between East and West, funneling some combination of bronzemaking, wheat domestication, and other technologies toward the incipient Chinese culture. Those technologies may have helped jump-start Chinese urban life along the Yellow and Yangtze rivers in the 2nd millennium B.C.E. (see p. 930).

That is a novel, even radical, idea among Chinese academics, many of whom still see Xinjiang as a distant region that enters history only when a unified China began to assert control in the early centuries B.C.E. Indeed, not so long ago, such discussion of outside influence on China's origins would have been at best frowned upon and at worst dangerous. "Ten years ago, you could not even say that China adopted anything from the West," says one Chinese archaeologist. After more than a century of humiliation at the hands of foreigners—both Western and Japanese—China's leaders in the 20th century emphasized the country's indigenous traditions, and archaeologists followed their direction. Now recent discoveries, coupled with the growing self-confidence of a prosperous nation, are challenging the taboo. "Chinese archaeologists still believe China's civilization developed independently," says Wang Wei, director of the Institute of Archaeology in Beijing. "But they also believe that there was important communication with the outside world."

 

Before the Silk Road

China's contact with that outside world may have come from several directions—from Xinjiang in the northwest, from the steppes to the north, overland through Burma and Yunnan to the south, or around Southeast Asia to the eastern coast. The most direct route from the west to east is here in Xinjiang. For centuries starting in the first century B.C.E., the fabled Silk Road stretched across its deserts and mountains, linking the eastern cities of China with European markets. Roman silver, f ine silk, Buddhism, and Islam were passed across its length. Caves filled with Buddhist images, crumbling caravansaries, and ruined cities still dot the province's dry and rugged landscape.

Forest of graves. These poplar poles from Xiaohe cemetery hint at a wetter climate 4 millennia ago.

CREDIT: XINJIANG CULTURAL RELICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY INSTITUTE

 

Today, Xinjiang still retains the hallmarks of a crossroads region. Signs in Arabic script and Russian Cyrillic compete with Chinese characters in the province's capital, Ürümqi, which is closer to Islamabad than it is to Beijing. It is home to ethnic Uighurs—many of whom are Muslim—who traditionally have more in common with their Central Asian brethren than the Han Chinese of the east. Recent ethnic riots in Ürümqi left at least 156 dead and 1000 people injured.

But until the past decade, archaeologists had found little detailed evidence of early human occupation here. Ringed by high mountains, the Taklamakan is one of the world's driest and hottest deserts. So archaeologists and historians assumed that life here was all but impossible until camels were domesticated and deeper wells and other innovations were developed—long after Chinese cities began to flourish thousands of kilometers to the southeast.

Recent excavations have upended that assumption. In the northeastern edge of the desert, archaeologists from 2002 until 2005 excavated an extraordinary cemetery called Xiaohe, which has been radiocarbon-dated to as early as 2000 B.C.E., says Liu Xuetang, a professor at Ürümqi University and former director of Xinjiang's archaeology institute in Ürümqi. A vast oval sand hill covering 25 hectares, the site is a forest of 140 standing poles marking the graves of a long-lost society and environment. The poles, wood coffins, and carved wooden statues with pronounced noses come from the poplar forests of a far cooler and wetter climate.

 

Well-wrapped. One of 30 mummies from Xiaohe buried in airtight ox-hide bags, preserving both skin and cloth.

CREDIT: XINJIANG CULTURAL RELICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY INSTITUTE

 

A bronze mirror, gold ring, and scatterings of domesticated wheat found in some of the undisturbed tombs show a Central Asian influence. Ox skulls tied to the top of the wooden grave markers show that these animals were sacred. One grave includes a carved wooden snake, the remains of seven real snakes, and a hat made up of small pieces of the ears of sheep, probably serving shamanic purposes common to Central Asia but foreign to eastern China. A tomb of a child holds a pouch with the remains of ephedra, a drug favored by ancient Central Asian pastoralists.

Of 350 tombs, Liu says 190 had been looted and destroyed, but 160 were excavated in the recent digs by a Chinese team. The human remains are eerily well-preserved. Behind the locked doors of the storeroom of the Ürümqi institute, Liu points to a young woman with still-smooth skin and auburn hair, wearing a white wool hat and felt shoes with laces still intact. French and Japanese researchers are helping to analyze the goods and remains at Xiaohe, but that work is still ongoing, he says.

The origins of the Xiaohe culture—which lasted for some 5 centuries, until approximately 1500 B.C.E.—remain obscure. They do not appear to have used pottery, making their connections to other cultures opaque, but there is no evidence that these likely pastoralists were significantly influenced by the Yellow River and other settled cultures to the east. Liu argues that, given their material culture, they probably entered from the north, from present-day Russia, over the Tien Shan mountain range, before 2000 B.C.E. Although no extensive paleoclimate studies have been done, some evidence suggests that the climate became wetter at that time. The poplar no longer found in the area is one sign, as is increased snowfall that created channels through the Tarim Basin that contains the Taklamakan. Some lakebed samples in northwest China hint at a warm and wet period between 2800 and 2000 B.C.E., followed by a 1000-year cold and dry spell, says environmental archaeologist Qi Wuyun of the Institute of Archaeology in Beijing. But she adds that further data are needed.

 

Shipshape. Some Xiaohe tombs feature boat-shaped wooden coffins unique to the site.

CREDIT: XINJIANG CULTURAL RELICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY INSTITUTE

 

The most important area of settlement may have been an environmentally hostile region on the desert's eastern end called Lop Nur, which China used to conduct nuclear tests. But in ancient times, "the Lop Nur delta was a large oasis hundreds of kilometers in length," Liu says. Preliminary surveys and geological studies suggest a string of settlements along the now-dry Peacock River, which once flowed east and ended in a marshy lake.

Researchers in others parts of Central Asia have found many settlements in similarly marginal climatic zones during the period, such as Gonur in the Kara Kum desert of Turkmenistan. But little archaeological work has been done along the Peacock because of its remoteness, security constraints, and a focus on rescuing sites endangered by development (see p. 936). Increasing aridity by 1500 B.C.E. may have forced the Peacock settlers to revert to a nomadic existence, says Liu. That cycle seems common throughout recorded history in Xinjiang, where small changes in rainfall have a dramatic effect.

Other ancient Xinjiang cemeteries, most from the period starting in 1500 B.C.E., are coming to light and may offer additional clues. At one site in Xiabandi, in the far western end of the province near the Pamir Mountains and adjacent to Kazakhstan, archaeologists found pottery resembling that of the Andronovo pastoralist culture of the steppes. Yet they also found bracelets and earrings that Liu says are in a style common to Gansu, a Chinese province far to the southeast. And to the northwest of Ürümqi, bordering the steppes, Liu excavated a settlement from 1000 B.C.E. with round altars and evidence of horse and sun worship—classic traditions of steppe pastoralists. But at the same site, he also excavated painted pottery of a type found in the upper Yellow River valley. Such finds offer intriguing but still enigmatic evidence of the links between Central Asian pastoralists and China proper, says Liu.

 

On the bronze trail

The connection between the steppes and eastern China clearly existed. But did pastoralists such as those buried in Xiaohe carry important technologies like bronze eastward? That idea remains controversial. Bronze technologies in the form of weapons and adornment appear starting in the 3rd millennium B.C.E. across the steppes. The Xinjiang bronzes appear to be slightly earlier than several found in Gansu, to the southeast, and then, not long after, in Erlitou in the mid-Yellow River area. That makes for a neat pattern of diffusion. "But the techniques used in Gansu are more developed than in Xinjiang," notes Liu. And the earliest bronze-casting workshops in the region don't appear until the 4th century B.C.E., adds Lu. "It is not likely these skills were introduced from Xinjiang," he says, standing on the parched ground at the Yanghai cemetery.

Trade with Central Asia likely led to the acquisition of bronzes here—but not necessarily the means to make them, Lu says. He and others increasingly think that bronze technology filtered south from Inner Mongolia, far to the east, and eventually was picked up by peoples along the Yellow River.

 

Heads up. This tiny wooden face provides a glimpse into the beliefs of the Xiaohe people.

CREDIT: XINJIANG CULTURAL RELICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY INSTITUTE

 

But others point out that mold-casting dominates early Chinese metallurgy, and that technology is not used until later in the region between Europe and Central Asia—arguing against a technology transfer. Some scholars argue there was a connection with the West but that the technology then took an independent turn. Evidence for all theories remains thin. "How does it get to Gansu?" asks Chen Xingcan of the Institute of Archaeology in Beijing. "The route is just not clear."

Whatever the route for bronze, Lu cites another transformative import that he says arrived from the west via the Peacock River valley: wheat. Domesticated first in the Near East 10,000 years ago, wheat is northern China's most important staple today. And at the moment, the oldest domesticated wheat in China seems to be that strewn over bodies before burial at Xiaohe 3000 years ago. "The new term we use is the ‘wheat road,’" says Lu.

But other archaeologists in China are not yet convinced. Wheat next turns up in the 1st millennium B.C.E. in northern China, and it's not clear if wheat from Xiaohe made its way there or if diffusion from the west simply stopped in Xinjiang. "We need to find actual wheat fields at Xiaohe," says Xiaohong Wu of Peking University. Some researchers instead see a pattern similar to that of bronze, with wheat coming from the steppes through Inner Mongolia. And a recent find of a few early wheat samples roughly dated to 2000 B.C.E. in the far southeastern province of Fujian raise the possibility of seaborne transfer from the Indus civilization in today's India and Pakistan.

Similar debates revolve around the appearance of domesticated sheep, goats, and cattle in China. Xinjiang sites show evidence of all three in the 2nd millennium B.C.E.—about the time that they appear in central China. But tracing a path of diffusion is difficult, in part because there are few Chinese zooarchaeologists. Everyone agrees that these questions require more extensive excavations in the province as well as better analytical techniques. In a region that retains its position as a continental crossroads, archaeologists are only starting to understand how this bridge between East and West contributed to China's evolution.

 

 

Science 27 March 2009:
Vol. 323. no. 5922, pp. 1666 - 1667
DOI: 10.1126/science.323.5922.1666

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SPACE SCIENCE:

Can a Shotgun Wedding Help NASA And ESA Explore the Red Planet?

Andrew Lawler

Tight budgets are pushing the U.S. and European space agencies to consider a truly collaborative series of missions to Mars. What would it mean for science?

 

Did Mars ever harbor life? The multibillion-dollar quest to find out faces an uncertain future on both sides of the Atlantic. The European Space Agency (ESA) lacks the money to carry out its ambitious blueprint for putting a sophisticated lander and rover on Mars's surface in 2016. And NASA is grappling with major cost increases and delays in its Mars Science Laboratory (MSL) that are eating up funding for future missions.

To avoid hanging separately, say scientists and managers in the United States and Europe, the two agencies must agree to hang together in an unprecedented partnership. This summer they intend to unveil a sweeping plan for a decade of collaboration that could kick off with a joint 2016 mission and culminate a decade later in the return of a martian sample to Earth. "This is a big change," says David Southwood, ESA science chief. "But we have to think about Mars differently." Adds his counterpart at NASA, Edward Weiler: "We've got to do this together."

 

The financial motivation for the new strategy is obvious. A sample return mission alone could run between $6 billion and $8 billion, far beyond the means of either agency. But the two agencies and scientific communities will first need to overcome a host of political, cultural, and technical challenges. Some Americans fear ESA is not yet ready to oversee complex missions on the martian surface. Europeans worry about being tied to NASA's annual budget wrangles. And both sides want the glory of landing rovers on Earth's neighbor.

 

Gaining weight

Cooperation between NASA and ESA is nothing new, of course. ESA has long been part of the international space station, and it provided the Huygens probe that plunged into Titan's atmosphere after riding on NASA's Cassini spacecraft to the Saturn system. Likewise, NASA is slated to pay for two important instruments aboard a 2016 ESA mission called ExoMars. But none of these projects is truly a joint effort. Instead, one agency--usually better-funded NASA--has had the final say, and the other agency's science has literally gone along for the ride. For the joint efforts now being discussed, each agency would take turns. For example, ESA and NASA are likely to alternate putting a lander on the surface, with the other providing a less expensive and technically challenging orbiter or related hardware.

 

The travails of ExoMars help to explain ESA's interest in a joint effort. Last year, the 17 nations that make up ESA approved $1.1 billion for ExoMars, some $195 million less than agency officials had requested (Science, 5 December 2008, p. 1447). The lander, which would open like a flower to reveal a 270-kg rover, would drill down 2 m to examine organics and conduct geochemical studies on whether life ever evolved and prospered on the planet. ESA's only other Mars mission, Mars Express, was a far more modest venture, and although its orbiter was a success after arriving in 2003, its U.K.-built Beagle 2 lander failed to survive the descent.

 

But the weight and complexity of ExoMars's planned scientific payload has grown alarmingly. The estimated weight of a geophysical package called Humboldt, for example, has tripled. Lifting additional weight requires extra fuel and a roomier spacecraft, which increase costs. "There is not enough [money] to fully realize Exo-Mars as planned," said Jorge Vago, ESA's ExoMars project scientist, at a meeting earlier this month near Washington, D.C., and "no mechanism for financial shortfalls." As a result, he says, scaling back the $1.56 billion project as well as bringing in U.S. participation "is unavoidable."

 

 

CREDITS: © DENIS SCOTT/CORBIS; NASA

That effort is well under way. Last week, European engineers and scientists met in the Netherlands to decide the fate of 23 instruments, two of which would be NASA contributions. At the same time, Southwood is loath to scale it back too much. The ability to establish a presence on the Mars surface, he says, will allow ESA to "stand shoulder to shoulder with Uncle Sam."

But some U.S. scientists worry that ESA lacks the experience to carry out such a difficult mission. "They have never successfully landed on Mars," notes G. Scott Hubbard, a former NASA official and now a physicist at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California. "And ExoMars is more complex than MSL."

 

Lean on me

NASA has long ruled the roost on solar system missions beyond Earth orbit, having a 3-decade-long track record of landing robots on Mars. But these days it needs a shoulder to lean on. Technical troubles and a $400 million cost increase for MSL recently forced Weiler to postpone the launch of the 900-kg rover by 2 years (Science, 12 December 2008, p. 1618). The overrun will eat into future Mars projects, endangering the agency's decade-old plan to send a probe to Mars every 2 years.

 

That strategy was meant to capitalize on a 1996 paper in which scientists presented possible evidence of fossilized life in a Mars meteorite--evidence that has since largely been discounted. The failure of two probes in 1999 led NASA to revamp that schedule, however, and last year then-NASA science chief S. Alan Stern put forward yet another plan to streamline Mars missions and speed up a sample return mission. Scientists said the plan was unrealistic, however, and Stern resigned shortly thereafter in a funding dispute with the NASA administrator.

 

Now NASA has decreed that future Mars missions must fit into the more constrained budget. The U.S. agency still plans to send an orbiter to Mars in 2016. One of the scientific instruments aboard the Mars Science Orbiter (MSO) would monitor trace gases such as methane while cameras would provide data on future landing sites. In addition, a communications package would beam information from future U.S. and ESA landers back to Earth.

 

However, overruns on MSL have left NASA managers with only $700 million for the mission, far less than needed. NASA has also pledged to fund two U.S.-built ExoMars instruments, and the $50 million growth in the initial $80 million budget for them would come out of the 2016 mission. To fit a mission into that amount of money, NASA has proposed limiting the number of instruments. But planetary scientists say the current MSO budget is unrealistic. "What can you do with $500 million?" asks John Mustard, a planetary scientist at Brown University and chair of NASA's Mars advisory panel. "Not much."

 

Given the dire budget situation, U.S. scientists seem to agree that cooperation with ESA is vital. But exactly how that will be done remains unclear. Some engineers and scientists favor a combined 2016 mission in which a U.S., European, or Russian rocket launches a NASA orbiter to Mars, which then drops ExoMars to the surface. In 2018, the two agencies would switch roles, with an ESA orbiter dropping NASA's proposed $1.3 billion to $1.6 billion Mars Prospector Rover. A network of landers designed to monitor Mars's geophysical health could follow in 2020. The first portion of a sample return mission would leave Earth in 2022, with the second half following in 2024. NASA would likely be responsible for getting the Mars sample into orbit, with an ESA craft bringing the sample home to Earth 2 years later.

 

In alignment. NASA's Edward Weiler (left) and ESA's David Southwood hope for a tentative agreement this summer on joint Mars missions.

CREDITS: FRED PROUSER/REUTERS/LANDOV; ROBYN BECK/AFP/GETTY IMAGES

 

That tag-team approach has its critics. Jean-Pierre Bibring, an ExoMars principal investigator with the Institute of Space Physics in Orsay, France, fears that combining the 2016 mission with U.S. and perhaps Russian components could delay it until 2018--5 years beyond its initial target. And he says that "if ExoMars meets its goals, then the 2018 lander makes no sense."

Bibring would prefer to see both sides do a sample return mission starting in 2018: "There is no other science rationale for waiting. The missions in between are really political and economic missions. They are a waste of time and money."

 

Flag size

Neither Weiler nor Southwood want to tip their hand before meeting in June. "We're still negotiating," says Southwood. The goal, he says, is to avoid the difficulty that goes along with integrating complicated pieces of hardware--from shipping risks to import restrictions--by making each agency responsible for separate pieces of every mission.

 

One key stumbling block is that Europe lacks the tradition of long-term planning that characterizes NASA's effort. The likelihood of ESA's many masters approving an entire series of very expensive flights to Mars during a severe economic downturn seems small. "There's a psychological barrier we're dealing with," acknowledges Southwood. "We've got to work with member states used to the idea of one mission at a time." At the same time, he and other Europeans note that NASA's penchant for long-term planning does not necessarily mesh with the uncertainty of Congress's annual budget process.

 

Weiler admits that cooperation with ESA is a hard sell. "I may be the only person in NASA who believes that this is the right thing to do," he says bluntly. "My toughest job is to get my view understood at all levels below me, and especially at certain NASA centers."

 

Those centers--particularly the Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) in Pasadena, which has built previous Mars landers and rovers--may be loath to relinquish U.S. dominance of the Mars program. JPL has never been shy about using its industrial partners and the powerful California congressional delegation to ensure its central role in solar system exploration. But Weiler is betting that JPL's managers will realize that leading one Mars mission every 4 years is better than maintaining control over a bankrupt program.

 

There are subtler barriers to U.S.-European cooperation as well. American space scientists have less experience working with colleagues in other countries than do their counterparts. "There's a lot of ignorance," says Mustard, who has worked closely with French researchers for 2 decades. "So there's a lot of anxiety." And Europeans must contend with what Southwood says is "a bit of an inferiority complex" with NASA when it comes to managing major Mars projects.

 

But managers on both sides believe that the opportunity to do good science will ultimately trump all other concerns. Weiler admits that "psychology and nationalism … are tough nuts to crack." But he warns that if scientists want a strong Mars program, "flag size cannot matter."

 

 
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